Category: Youth

developing ICT+

Project Diaspora skillfully responds to OLPC. Their response makes me think of a discussion we are having at BOSCO (see a reply to PD’s post with some thoughts in the comment section): How to provide more than computer skills and the Internet? How can we engage people to use the Internet, for example, as a tool of learning or economic empowerment?

Let’s call this, for a lack of anything catchy, ICT+. Going beyond the basics of operating a computer to really engaging on the Web and creating content. I constantly refer to the “knowledge of power” concept and the fact that the Internet allows for a distinct reversal of this imbalance. How do we both provide access to the Internet while encouraging users to contribute?

Thus far, BOSCO has used a Web 2.0 training curriculum which is available here. I haven’t been around long enough to know what kind of an impact we are having through this program, but feel free to contact long-term BOSCO staff via myself for an idea of how we do it and what developments we’ve seen thus far.

global youth participation week.

Practicing what I preach (or trying to address what I complain about), I have recently joined an international team planning for the Global Youth Participation Week.

The Global Youth Participation Week (GYPW) is an opportunity to help bridge that gap. The GYPW will be a globally coordinated campaign shining the spotlight on youth participation. Imagine:

  • a week where not only young people and youth organizations, but also media, policy-makers and civil society will align their attention and efforts for the cause of youth participation;
  • a week that will act as a catalyst for funding, mobilization and capacity building;
  • a week that will serve as a container for ideas and projects by the young people who want to address some of their existing needs with the opportunities provided by this initiative;
  • a week of reflection and action on the context-specific critical challenges that can be addressed by global cooperation;
  • a week where local activities are coupled with a global outreach campaign that relies on new and old forms of media;
  • a week that practices what it preaches: all efforts will be led by youth, in equal partnership with older generations.

We’re still looking for a few more members to round-out the team. As an international effort, (all) we’re looking for is 8-10 hours a week for a year, as well as a somewhat functioning Internet connection for Skyping.

abakore nursery.

Education for Marginalized Children in Kenya funded this early childhood development center at Abakore Primary School. I would consider this good working conditions for children in Kenya: there are tables and chairs, some light, lots of books, and space.

writing opportunities with the first drop

I will be doing a bit of editorial advising over the coming months with The First Drop. However, in order for any advising to be done, we’re looking for a set of founding contributors!

We want to provoke passionate, informed and accountable discussion among Canada’s next generation of leadership. We plan to do this by supporting a slate of contributors with widely varying views, and pushing them to generate the most enlightening discussion possible. We are now accepting applications for the first round of contributors.

Contributors! We Want You!

We’re looking for about 20 people who will become the core of the community at The First Drop: our founding contributors, ready to roll as we launch in the next month or so.

Contributors will write 1-3 short articles a month on a topic that matters for Canada’s future. That’s the subject: Canada’s future. In any way you choose. Politics, business, civil society, it’s all good. From what perspective? Legal, artistic, entrepreneurial, military, academic or the snowboard shop. East, West or North (we don’t really have a South, do we?), you’re all welcome. Conservative, Liberal, NDP, Bloc, Green. C’mon in. We don’t care, so long as you can write a good, reasoned, reality-based piece and trigger a great conversation.

Actually, that’s what we really care about – the conversations that emerge from your writing. Have a voice, but no way to get it out there? TFD can be that way. Have a blog or book already? TFD can help you reach a bigger audience and draw in new perspectives. Just want to help us create a community of future Canadian leaders? Great.

Interested? Have a look at our Guidelines to get an idea of what we’re looking for, fire Brendan an email with any thoughts or questions, or just apply and let us know you’re interested.

unesco youth forum.

Flying to Paris in just under seven hours. Follow the 6th UNESCO Youth Forum here (Twitter) and here (blog). As one of the five youth journalists, I will be representing the North America/Europe region. If you want to contribute to the Forum, feel free to contact me and write-up a guest post on the UNESCO blog. The main theme is “Investing out of the crisis: towards a partnership between UNESCO and youth organizations,” with the cross cutting theme, “Investing out of the crisis – through action in social domains (Education, Sciences, Culture and Communication).

of the children.

Another fantastic experience yesterday in this country called Kenya. I met Amstrong, the founder of the Amstrong Development Network. The organization runs a few development projects around Kenya, all small-scale, locally owned and mostly locally funded. He drove me to one of the projects, a small orphanage outside Nairobi. Being stuck in traffic always spurs some interesting conversation. A slight man, he moved to Nairobi from Kisii to go to high school. He lived with his brother in one of the city’s slums.

The word “slum” is usually associated with poverty and a complete break-down of social structure. But, from his perspective, it is much the opposite: the poverty allows for a higher standard of living in relative terms. While the houses are decripit, inside, you will see TV sets, polished tables, clean floors, and comfortable couches. Though small, small rooms, there’s a means of making everything from nothing. I remember this from the internally displaced persons camps in Northern Uganda: you would walk into one of these seemingly destroyed huts and inside you would find immediate peace – from the hot sun, from the dust, from the hungry children.

In any case, Armstrong gave me a better understanding of the element of culture. The interdependence of slum life means that communities are tightly knit: he tells me that, in some ways, he would live back there if necessary. He opted moving when he had to start traveling outside Kenya and needed a more accessible place. But, he does not hesitate at describing the slums as a fascinating social structure, a “cool” means of living. At the same time, he tells me of the rape and beatings he witnessed. There’s gang life, though he managed to stay out of it.

As for those trying to improve their living standards, he says it is not to get out of the slums. It is more to live a sustainable life in the slums. Many slum dwellers start little market stalls, small restaurants or barber shops, he says, since these are services that everyone needs and that are not, in one sense, exhaustable. He says that no one from outside the slum could come and start these businesses, so there is a pre-made social network of those you grew up with.

As for “improving” the slums, it comes down to “improving” basic services. It’s not about the buildings or land. He points out that developers who make an attempt at providing “better” housing fail. UN Habitat came in to Kibera and attempted to improve the quality of living there by building new housing blocks. Rich people now live in them, and those who they were originally intended for, continue in their own communities.

As for the orphanage – it looked like a great place for these young children to grow up. Outdoor space, healthy meals (meat at lunch, vegetables and ugali at dinner), drawing and photographs on the walls. Most of the 22 children (mostly girls) come from a nearby slum and are picked by how poor their living conditions are. Most were living with temporary families; some had extended family who simply could not care for more children. Others had lost their families in the post-election violence.

The children themselves were briliant. There was a little Maasai girl called Willa who wanted to be an actress; others wanted to be pilots, doctors and journalists. Their strength and resolve was clear: they were eager, curious and vibrant. After mocking my Swahili, pulling my hair and rubbing my arms, we sat and sang songs (well, they sang). One little girl started singing about the violence “all the killings” soon to be followed by a church song and Twinkle Twinkle Little Star.

Perhaps I am getting old, but I find the generation following mine – the quite young of today – to be fascinating: their dreams and hopes are what we will be building on. Ensuring that we understand their desires and their goals is key in developing a better world. From the orphans pulled from Nairobi’s worst slums to my own little sister who finds herself with a wondeful family and a beautiful home near the ocean. And, understanding the impact the violence we engender has is even more important, as it might offer some more incentive to quell it.

Guest Post: youth cry out for leadership.

KISIMU, KENYA – WILLIAM ODENGE

Early in the morning today, I met a group of young boys in Obunga Slum complaining bitterly about the Kazi Kwa Vijana initiative -the youth employment programme that was launched by the Government in March this year after it promised to facilitate the creation of opportunities to enable our youth to be gainfully employed and to earn a decent livelihood. The job supervisor had decided to take bribes from these young people so as to secure them a place.

This shows a need for the government to streamline the Kazi kwa Vijana initiative which is a noble idea intended to keep jobless youth busy because it targets young people who are given first priority in working on projects such as building or repairing infrastructure and public amenities around the areas they live. The aim of this programme is to stem the social ills brought about by unemployment, idleness and poverty.

However, if not carefully implemented, it may in the long run aggravate the same problems it is trying to solve. Corruption which is our country’s major problem is slowly creeping into this intervention. First, it would be prudent to define minimum and maximum age limits of the target group, bearing in mind unemployment and poverty affect everyone. Second, since these jobs are temporary, how will the youth be engaged in-between projects? Third, these projects might disadvantage females because they are labour intensive. Fourth, a feeling of entitlement could also creep into these groups and they may start demanding employment as a right regardless of whether they have the technical expertise. Fifth, how will projects passing through different areas, such as road construction, be handled? Will contractors be required to employ fresh labour every time they come to a new region?

As poverty entrenches itself deeper in the country, the youth are the worst casualties. If you visit many homes in Kisumu, you are likely to come across young people barely in their twenties supporting their families. This is mostly in the form of ‘hustling’ for a meal for themselves and their siblings. In these instances, parents have abdicated their responsibilities. Thus, the youth have no one to turn to for assistance.

Consequently, in a bid to forget their tribulations, many have embraced the use of hard drugs. We should not be surprised that these young men and women decided to torch the country after the disputed 2007 presidential elections. This is the typical reaction of disillusioned youth who exhibit poor judgement skills and consider burning and pillaging a worthwhile cause.

For a long time now, the young have been short-changed by politicians. Knowing they command numbers, many of the politicians have ascended into power using the hackneyed phrase of “putting the youth agenda at the top of their list if elected into office”. When politicians ascend to power, they only engage in party politics instead of helping their supporters set up money-generating projects. It is now getting clearer that the youth in Kisumu have started to refuse to be divided along partisan, tribal lines when they are all facing the same challenges. They say they don’t want a repeat of the 2008 violence. This makes them very cautious even with the raging debates in the country that might spark some violence.

For example the TJRC. In real sense the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) commissioners were sworn in last week. The cabinet decided to have the TJRC try the post-election violence suspects. These young boys from Obunga are wondering how credible a judicial solution will be established to punish the masterminds of post-election violence.

Indeed, TJRC as transitional justice mechanisms has failed in other African countries because more often than not they have been abused as political tools to buy time. They are also concerned that substantive discussions about the design, expectations and the deliverables by the TJRC could be lost in the din of this raging debate. Granted, the conditions must be right for the TJRC to be a success, but undoubtedly the perception that the commission could be a talking shop to entrench impunity does not help that cause. However, the boys agree that one of the greatest contributions of the TJRC is that it creates space for victims to publicly tell their stories in a manner that brings relief. They add that the idea of compensation could be an overriding motivation.

Out of this raging issue, the boys are crying out for leadership. To them, the following issues raise concern.

Integration and Cohesion: The country is still divided along ethnic, social and political lines. It is regrettable that today, political leaders are not playing their role of giving leadership to efforts aimed at promoting national cohesion and integration. The National Cohesion and Integration Act be implemented fully.

Famine: It is regrettable and saddening that after four decades of independence, the government is still unable to put in place policies and mechanisms to safeguard the supply of food for Kenyans. Hunger in Kenya has less to do with drought and more to do with lack of leadership since it is man made and orchestrated for personal gain. How sad it is to know that there are people who are profiting from the suffering of Kenyans? Urgent measures to remedy this are required.

Displaced Persons: There is still concern that after more than one year after the post election violence, thousands of Kenyans remain in internally displaced persons camps. Is the government serious about resettlement?

Government spending: The coalition government is burdensome rather than facilitative. Ministers spend their time quarrelling about peripheral issues rather than undertaking their duties. In this understanding, the admission that the government has no resources for development is grave for the nation. Why should a government that is cutting down on development spending continue to spend so much money to finance a bloated and non-performing cabinet? The government should get its priorities right.

Creation of Jobs: Appreciating that unemployment among the youth is so grave as to cause a crisis in the country, they were taking a keen look at the government’s initiative to youth unemployment. However, the government has done commendable effort and is urged that the initiative be up scaled to match the magnitude of unemployment in the country.

Constitution Review: There is great merit in fast tracking the constitution review process. They called on Kenyans to rise up and demand that they regain the leadership of the process from the Parliament. Furthermore, they urged that the constitution review process be accompanied by extensive civic education implemented by civil society actors to ensure that consensus is reached widely on the contentious issues. It is now incumbent upon the Office of the President and he Prime Minister to ensure that all government efforts or exercises are devoid of corruption, nepotism and tribalism.

in the classroom.

I once drafted a letter for Stephen Harper on the quality of education in Canada. It came out pretty bad, but it did make me reflect on the state of our high schools and universities. Public high schools – yes, where most children go, except for in Montreal – is lacking. While I went to a tiny institution, the Gulf Islands Secondary School, and had mostly excellent and attentive teachers along with small class sizes, the subject matter was ancient and not very stimulating. This History 12 course (so, the highest history course taught at the school) took on a solely factual approach. We weren’t ever asked to engage or challenge the material – two mindsets I think should be prerequisites for university. Now, I am not saying that most students thought like this, but I was getting full marks for doing work on-time, spell checking in Word, and attending classes. Nothing more. I was not being graded for my ability to tackle and challenge authority.

It’s a bit of an intractable issue. After all, we all want Canadian youth to be university educated. Not only does this boost our own country’s economy, but it generally leads towards a much healthier environment for future generations. Going to university (or a technical school) is an important part in the formation of adulthood. It gives you self-confidence and the ability to reflect and critically analyze all aspects of life. Basically, it gives people a chance to see the world through a different light and become more tolerant of each other. On the flip side, though, as this article argues, the quality of our education and the demands of our studies are eroded. We now sit in university classrooms – with huge class sizes – and simply absorb what the professor spouts off. His or her questions are usually left unanswered, debates are rarely opened. While I believe it is my responsibility to engage with my professor and students, I also think I came ill-prepared. By the time I arrived at university I was still hesitant to talk in class, approach my professor after class or even open a strong debate with a fellow-student over coffee. I saw university as something you just get through and over with. Moreover, a majority of my peers brought the same attitude, fostering anything but engagement.

I know this is not a universal approach to the schooling system. But I must agree that because our high school educations have often been slack, we tend to view university in a lazy light. It’s an obstacle on the way to so-called ‘adulthood’ and not so much about opening doors and learning to think differently. Recently, I told my little sister it really did not matter where she went to school in Canada. After all, most class sizes are the same, teachers have similar credentials, and few programs have a great reputation. While this is good (since it leads to less intellectual polarization than in the US and the UK), it also reflects on how I saw university: get through it and be self-motivated by yourself, if at all.

Anyways, this short rant is basically a highlight to this article. When I started In Their Shoes a few years ago, I was constantly thinking about what we could have learned in school should our teachers have asked us to research on the war in Northern Uganda and fundraise for HIV/AIDS. Or, should we have engaged with the fundamental economic principles of our country or scrutinized our succession of uncharismatic and ill-fated Prime Ministers. Once again, this is my perspective, however, considering myself a fairly average high school student, I fear this was the majority’s experience.

Most families say they want to send their kids to university. The high schools are under tremendous pressure to deliver the marks that will get them in. Meantime, universities need bodies. Bodies bring in tuition, and tuition covers nearly half of a university’s operating costs. And once the bodies are in the door, there’s a big incentive to retain them. “If the English department, for example, failed all students who should be failed, it would be cutting itself off at the knees,” says sociology professor James Côté, co-author of the eye-opening book Ivory Tower Blues: A University System in Crisis.

Like I said, an intractable situation. I was recently talking to a history student who was livid that her professors were such hard markers. Against other students in different faculties she was really struggling to keep her GPA up. The chance of her getting into graduate schools – when competing against sociology and anthropology majors for example – was severely diminished. Her shot at funding was equally restricted. At the same time, her professors were undoubtedly being fair markers, ensuring that she was equally challenged by the material and the need to keep improving. On a side-note, I think our marking system has also spurred higher usage of drugs like Ritalin. I know many-a university students who have used this type of adrenaline kick to get through their five final exams and ten papers. Not having been prepared for this type of workload back in the day, faced with the need to get As to have a so-called ‘future’, pushed them over the edge.

And, lastly, I am fairly confident this can be blamed on the government (as well as our own apathetic selves):

Universities typically point the finger at high schools for turning out lousy graduates. But they’re pointing in the wrong direction. As one assistant high-school principal explained on Cross-Country Checkup, the CBC’s national phone-in show, last Sunday, “We get our marching orders and our mandate from the provincial government. We are judged by our completion and graduation rates. That’s what governs us, not what universities want.”

In order to boost their high-school graduation rates, many provinces have mandated a no-fail approach. Nowhere is this policy more entrenched than Ontario, where schools are under intense pressure to get their numbers up. “Our hands are tied,” said another caller, an Ottawa high-school teacher. “The government does not allow you now to give zeroes for work not done. If you give a kid 10 assignments and he does three, you can’t give him a zero for the other ones. The government stance is that this is a behavioural problem, and you need to give them another chance to hand it in. If a student cheats on a major exam, you can’t give them zero. The government doesn’t tell you what to do the second time he cheats.”

Once again, many people would argue that many students have a hard time learning in a certain classroom set-up. Some kids find passion in hands on, creative work. While I don’t want to see our graduation rates drop – I would rather have a crappy school system than a doubling in teenage pregnancies – could we work within a system that offers different types of schooling that focus on different types of learning? Students would still be permitted to get good grades and attend university, provided they engaged the work material, developed a certain passion and were shown alternatives to the university-graduate school structure. I am not sure how this would work, but I do recall that most schooling systems are standardized around one-type of learning that fails to, once again, engage the average student. For a kid with attention deficit disorder or a low-self esteem, sitting in a class and being ragged on my a teacher for eight hours a day is a sure failure for the child and for our ‘elite university institutions.’

Lastly, I also think we should start including practical work into the Grade Point Average (GPA). A student who sits in class and listens to lecture after lecture on the sociology of poverty should not be competing against a student who attends lectures and volunteers at the local food bank. Hands-on learning forces students to both consider the fabricated ivory tower world with the applied factors. It can only make us better people.

the old boys.

I caught Nomadic Wax’s Democracy in Dakar screening at the Montreal Human Rights Film Festival last night. Great material. The struggle for political participation and jobs among youth is expansive – from Uganda to Senegal. Hip Hop – and the arts in general – is certainly a powerful medium. It also made me realize how (this) Canadian generation is mostly apathetic. How best to motivate those who feel fully satiated? A first step: we need to implement or strengthen the structures of activism within our school systems, regardless of government agenda and curriculum.

I also stumbled on this follow-up on gerontocracy (HT: Ugandan Insomniac) from a young journalist in Cameroon:

It is a truly vexing question, particularly for ambitious young Cameroonians whose access to political power is being delayed by those who were born before them and have controlled the levers of power for a little too long. What’s to be done about this situation is a question, has been a question, and will be a question for much longer than we can imagine.  In the meantime, however, the hazy heads amongst us will find time to castigate gerontocracy by recourse to inconsequential and irrelevant abstract ideas, even as they wait in the wings for their turns.

Far from reproducing abstractions drawn either from the void via the medium of human intellect or from the lived experiences of non-Cameroonians in Europe and elsewhere, I propose to discuss gerontocracy as a living aspect of the indigenous constitutions of Cameroon, since the foundation of every nation’s constitution should be derived from the people’s own historical experience. Approached from this perspective, gerontocracy makes a lot of sense in the context of the existing polities in Cameroon.  All these polities were born of and nurtured in gerontocracy, which is the organizing principle of the composition of who governs and has deep roots in Cameroon’s distant past.

stifled.

I was just talking to my neighbor about the movie Waltz With Bashir. While he’s Israeli, he’s been reluctant to watch it. The conversation shed some light on self-denial: blocking memories of violence to ignoring the present. My roommate tells me that his Israeli roommates in Berlin watched the news only once a day and usually with a blind eye to events in Israel; the filmmaker featured in Waltz With Bashir managed to wipe away all his memories of the massacres. This ‘inculcation’ must also help develop an unnatural level of tolerance for violence.

Since living in Uganda, I’ve gotten a better idea of what revisiting history can do. It’s a matter of opening – then healing – old wounds; of building bridges between oppressive state and oppressed citizens; it’s a matter of assigning and taking responsibility for atrocities. Beyond Juba is a committee proposing a sort of Truth and Reconciliation Commission dealing with violence in the country since the 1960s. We’re talking about much more than the Lord’s Resistance Army in the North, but also the violence done under Amin and Obote, for example. There’s a possibility that the current generation – through education and dialogue – can be saved from adopting the same ethincally intolerant attitudes their parents were socialized into.

in bars and cafes.

I pulled this paragraph from David Rieff’s book Slaughterhouse.

Young Croatians might shop in the same boutiques as their opposite numbers in New York, have the same taste in popular music, or have adapted similar sexual mores, but this did not make them cosmopolitans in the “postnational” sense that characterized so many middle class West Europeans and North Americans. They spoke about themselves as Croats in much the way their grandparents had done when Rebecca West had visited Zagreb … It turned out that having the same haircuts as people in Hamburg, or the same jogging shoes as people in Camden Town, had not altered these young Croatians’ essentially nationalist and tribal understandings of themselves by one iota (p. 62).

When traveling in Croatia/Bosnia/Kosovo, I was struck by the esthetic ressemblance of these countries to Western Europe, despite recent conflict. Yet, while we were doing the same things in cafes and bars back in Denmark and Canada, we were rarely talking politics, particularly as fervently as in Kosovo. And, we also had a means of self-determination in our future – financial and social independence – while these groups were slave to migrant family members sending cash back home. So, while economic globalization and the free market have made some distinct surface changes, the fact that the educational and ideological system had not shifted yet marks the potential for future destabilization. When these remittances stop arriving with the economic slow-down in Kosovo, deep-seated unrest will be enabled.